The Second Altian Republic during the Wars of May

The history of the Second Altian Republic would invariably be linked to the protracted conflict that would occur upon its conception in May of 351. While some have referred to the Wars of May as simply an extension of the first, 'Patrician' Revolution (a view especially popular throughout the early period of the war) later scholars would come to view the conflict as a unique event independent of the revolutions that preceded it. The Second Altian Republic, as formed by the Wars of May would be a distinctly liberal, constitutional and universal denocracy with no predecessor to precede it. This unique success may no doubt be attributed in part to the sacrifices and hardships faced throughout the conflict now known as The Wars of May.

Prelude to War - The Patrician Republic
Following its popular moniker, the Second Altian Republic would be conceived from the southern provinces of the first, 'Patrician' Republic. The Patrician Republic, for its part, would be born of the popular, Noble-led Revolution that saw the ouster of the House of Liege and Altia's monarchy. The years following the Revolutionary victory would see widespread de-centralization of power to Altia's regions, the great majority of them invariably dominated by Patrician influence.

While the ouster of the Altian monarchy would supposedly result in greater individual liberties, the true result was gridlock and the expansion of patrician authority. While progress on individual civil liberties would be made, they were a far cry from the promises made during the revolutionary years and petty politics, graft and ultimately gridlock would plague the first Republic. Agrarian interests would be heavily subsidized, while protectionist policies would damage the southern, industrialized regions near the capital and great cities. Successively harsher repressive measures would do much to alienate the population, especially the hyper-liberal City of Altia, whilst cultivating the seeds of a second revolution.

The call for emergency elections following the widespread victory of several progressive candidates, coupled with the death of Charles IV, the King Pretender in March, would result in hostilities in 351. The siezure of the capital by the revolutionary mob and national guardsmen would culminate in the declaration of the new, Second Altian Republic.

The May Revolution
By April, 351, the Patrician Republic was the on the brink of crisis. As much as social tremors, years of fiscal mismanagement and protectionist policies had resulted in a decade of economic downturn. Moreover, a series of repressive laws muscled through the houses of legislature seemed to indicate that the goal of enhancing individual liberties and the implementation of universal suffrage had effectively been indefinitely shelved. The violent repression of manifestations of public discontent, such as protests and unions further exacerbated the situation. Still, it wasn't until May of 351 that the conflict known as the Wars of May or alternatively the Social War would break out.



The war would be precipitated by primarily two major events. The first would be the death of Charles IV, the king pretender to the Altian throne, in March of 351. A popular publisher of progressive ideals and a legitimate candidate for a restoration of the monarchy, Charles' death would spark widespread outrage, much of it based on the (flawed) premise of an assassination executed by the Patrician government. Violent protests would result in the ensuing months, and private regional armies under the command of the great patrician families would be deployed (with state encouragement) to stamp out insurgents. This would only have the effect of further alienating the non-noble classes. Still, while the death of Charles IV and the ensuing violence would shake the Republic to its core, war wouldn't break out until later that year.

The second great catalyzer of war would be the emergency elections held in the aftermath of the 351 elections. The elections of 351 saw the unprecedented victory of liberal factions, with 187 of the 400 seats of the lower house and 42 of the 100 seats of the Altian senate in the hands of firm progressives. The previous conservative patrician dominance of Altian statecraft had effectively been dismantled. Alarmed by this turn of events, on 4 May, the government, led by the prime minister, Anthony de Chambois, would call for emergency elections. The results that followed (a virtual elimination of previous gains made by reform-minded factions) would see massive protests throughout the Republic, especially the capital and the industrialized cities of the south.

On 15 May, 351, after more than a week or increasingly violent protests and popular anger, the patrician government would call upon the regular army to crush the unrest. Rather than comply with the order, the regular army in Altia would stand down, some units going so far as to join the mob in protest. Realizing the crisis had reached a boiling point, the government in Altia would flee, concurrently calling for the mobilization of patrician armies to march on the capital. Several things happened in the immediate aftermath of the edict. First, following the flight of the Patrician government, a group of liberal representatives and statesmen would declare the establishment of a provisional, Revolutionary government. Second, the regular army, previously only non-compliant with government demands, would enter outright mutiny, declaring allegiance to the provisional government. The next few days would see fighting within the streets of Altia as private armies hired by the nobility and loyalist elements of the regular army were pushed out of the city by the newly-formed revolutionary forces.



The Wars of May - Early Years
The secession of the nation's capital would send shockwaves and panic throughout the Patrician Republic. Dismissed as simply an abberant disaster, the government in exile called upon the mobilization of noble armies and the dismantlement of the national guard throughout the remaining loyal provinces. Never having been as reliant on the capital as their royalist forebears, confidence ran high that the private armies of the nobility would be sufficient to cajole the revolutionaries into peace. Moreover, a deadline for reunification - 1 June - would be established. Inducements towards reform made by peace-minded patricians would be introduced, even if bitterly fought by many within the patrician ranks. Hopes persisted on both sides for a negotiated settlement. Still, the military dimension that conflict had already taken was more than enough to prove the impossibility of such desires. At the very least, the system as it had existed could not prevail.

By the end of June on 351 (and the Patrician deadline,) counterrevolutionary elements within the city of Altia and the surrounding regions had largely been eliminated. Moreover, much of the south, radiating from the capital, would capitulate to the Provisional government. Largely absent of the powerful patrician armies as a result of the concluding terms of the earlier Patrician Revolution, much of the industrialized south already possessed functioning semi-democratic institutions that eased the transition to the liberal Second Republic. Moreover, the regular army's alignment shift to the Provisional government saw offensives throughout the south against loyalist holdouts. By the beginning of August, much of the industrialized south adjoining the capital, Altia, was firmly under the control of the provisional government.



Meanwhile, on 4 August, the provisional government in Altia announced the framework for a new constitution. While not finalized until several years later, this would mark the point of no return for the nascent Republic. While otherwise occupied over the remainder of the year with the suppression of the less organized, "New Republic" in the north, the Patrician armies would quickly turn their attention to the Second Republic. Tearing through the south in force starting in 352, the combined armies of the nobility would win a string of victories over demoralized, unprepared revolutionary troops before being turned back at the Battle of Trantridge in October of 352. While not a particularly decisive victory for the revolutionaries, the halt of the Patrician advance would be followed up by a counterinvasion of patrician taken territory, ending the year 352 with the restoration of the old borders that preceded the events of the year.

The onset of the year 353 would bring about a period characterized by comparably low-level conflict. While the Second Republic would slowly expand in size and influence with the voluntary capitulation of loyalist domains, the Patricians would begin a process of standardization within their armies, culminating in a unified, central command. Low-level fighting would persist amongst the frontier regions, and brutal repression would occur within the remnants of the Patrician Republic while the Provisional governnment would arrest and jail suspected counterrevolutionaries. Still, in spite of the prevailing semblance of calm, neither side had withdrawn claims to other. War would continue to dominate popular discussion and statecraft.

Low-level warfare would thus remain the uncomfortable status quo. The Second Republic, seeking allies abroad, was still too weak to conduct a campaign of any offensive characteristic. Meanwhile, the Patrician Republic was crippled by infighting and poor leadership. All this would change in 355.



Late March of 355 would see offensives range throughout the borders between the remaining Patrician Republic and lands held by the provisional government. Of particular note would be the campaigns of Ferdinand Rafale . Having reformed his units and devised a manual for a 'New Model Army' within the Restoration forces, the young commander would prove more than a match for the determined revolutionaries. In April of 355, a Patrician army headed by the Duke of Ferraio's Black Coats would plunge into the solidly Republican region of Chemnitz from bases in Patrician Erlangen. In spite of being outnumbered and undersupplied, the host, led by Ferdinand Rafale (son of the late Duke) would decisively defeat the Revolutionary armies in a rapid stroke of military victories. Patrician forces would penetrate deep into Revolutionary territory, reconquering nearly a third of the land lost during the previous four years by the end of 355.

Imperial Invasion - Ferdinand Rafale and the New Altian Empire
By the end of 356, the situation for the Revolutionary forces would appear dire indeed. The army was nearly always on the defensive, and more than that, usually giving ground. Moreover, the length of the war had already lent itself to the potential for foreign intervention, the Kingdom of Hohenstauffe, Ulsino and others making (often unhelpful) diplomatic overtures between the warring governments. Moreover, Ferdinand Rafale would assume the consulship of the Patrician Republic, announcing a new policy of unconditional, non-negotiated victory. The capital city of Altia, he said, would be 'the ultimate price of vengeance for the murderers of the old world.' Patrician armies, now conscripting ordinary citizens rather than strictly mercenaries were poised on the Second Republic's borders to make good on Ferdinand's promise. Still, several significant events would occur in these dark times that would indicate a greater strength than initially perceived.

4 April of 356 would see the signature and approval of a new draft for the Second Altian Republic. The Provisional Government would be disbanded and replaced by a new constitutionally legitimated government of the "Altian Republic." In spite of the huge setbacks for the burgeoning state, confidence in the new liberal experiment would run high. Moreover, the Altian military infrastructure would see massive reforms spurred on by the massive defeats that followed the Patrician offensives of 355. Departing from the national guard and militia armies of the first years of the war, the regular revolutionary army would begin to take on the competent and formidable forms that would characterize the later years of the conflict. Moreover, a crop of newly minted general grade officers, finally introduced to battle, were proving a fairly deep pool of talent and potential within the revolutionary ranks. That said, in spite of the Patrician gains of the previous few years, the inability of any patrician armies to push the line much further after 356 would indicate the changing (or at least equalizing) tide that was beginning to form between the two sides.

The Rafale Putsch and establishment of Empire
The inability of the Patrician armies to make a decisive result of the gains of 356, coupled with the introduction of massive conscription within the Patrician-administrated territory (including occupied lands reconquered from the Revolutionary government) would lead to widespread protest throughout the Patrician Republic. While brutal repression had previously been the primary (and seemingly necessary) solution to the ongoing discontent, the protests of 357-358 would be unique in that:

1) They were not exclusively oriented at reform or revolution within the Patrician Government.

and

2) They were backed by notable and powerful members of the Patrician government, notably the Consul Ferdinand Rafale.

While five Patrician governments had come and gone since the outbreak of hostilities, the protests of 357 would not call specifically for the dismantlement of the reigning government led by Ferdinand Rafale. Instead, egged on by the consul Ferdinand himself, the broad protests called for expansion of executive powers to a single authority in the interest of winning the war. Given the situation on the ground, there can be no doubt that the unique nature of the movement would be both facilitated and strongly encouraged by the single most successful figure within the Patrician ranks, being Ferdinand Rafale. It would be a fact easily identifiable by the old guard within the Patrician government. In the midst of the popular unrest and military campaigning of the year 357, a great schism would occur in the patrician camp.

A cadre of old guard officials led by the former prime-minister, Anthony de Chambois, would attempt a coup in February of 358. Taking control of the Patrician 'Home Army,' Anthony de Chambois and the so-called 'Restorationists' would declare Ferdinand Rafale an outlaw and demand his arrest under the auspices of wartime emergency powers. By striking in winter, well before the active campaign season, it was hoped that Ferdinand's forces would be too entrenched to mobilize against the home army. Moreover, a winter political stroke would ensure that any maneuvers by the Revolutionary government would be hampered by the ill weather.

Still, while the Restorationist coup would manage to sieze Ancona, the whole affair would be flawed and its execution ultimately mismanaged and clumsy. The vast majority of the provinces, confused and uncertain of the course of events, would not comply with the new and fragile status quo and instead wait for further developments in Ancona. Moreover, 'Rafalist' insurgents would bomb the telegraph hub in Ancona shortly after the coup, managing (partially via the Restorationist's slow execution of their plan) to pre-empt communications to several key military districts in the Patrician Republic. Upon hearing of the putsch, General Rafale, preparing for an invasion of Revolutionary-held Asturias, would turn his army north, prepared to march on Ancona.

Things would move too fast for this to happen. The partial process of mobilizing the Home Army would collapse upon the prospect of fighting against General Rafale's forces, and by 4 March, Ferdinand would enter Ancona unopposed, his entry feted by the populace. Anthony de Chambois and his faction would be given amnesty by General Ferdinand in an effort to cultivate reconciliation (although the former Prime Minister would flee to exile in Ulsino nonetheless.)

The February Coup would fracture the already exceedingly fragile Patrician political structure. Evidence would quickly surface that while the coup was led by the now-exiled Duke de Chambois, various high members of the ruling governmentm including the Prime Minister, had been involved, even if indirectly. Already flagging from the apparent stalemate and stagnant economy, emergency elections would be called for, with threat of violence if the government did not comply. Such calls would be led by General Ferdinand Rafale who, rallying the powerful nobles to his side, would nominate himself as a candidate to lead the Patrician Republic. On 15 March, 357, the Prime Minister Gerhardt de Padua would resign from office. The emergency elections that followed would be marred by manipulation by factions loyal to General Rafale.

The government of the Patrician Republic, seeming utterly inept yet bolstered by the Nobility's ongoing capacity to prosecute war against the revolutionaries, would dramatically shift following the February coup. The new government would almost immediately appeal to General Ferdinand to serve as head of state in light of his role in halting the February coup. By this time, Ferdinand Rafale would be concurrently the most loved and hated figure within the Patrician Republic, but one backed by enormous military strength. Thus, while the appeals to assume power would be made overwhelmingly by his own Rafalist faction, Rafale himself would decline and instead offer a counter offer:

"It is clear that whether in its original coinage or the capital perversion it has assumed in the south, republicanism is a scourge of humankind, a spawn of radicalism and the base impulses of man. Whether it is steered by hands flush with pure blood or rather the mud of the lower classes is not an issue. Pluralism is faction. Faction is anarchy. Anarchy is chaos. It is the destruction of humanity and divinity alike. I will lead the people to the reinstitution of peace, but I do not do so under their mandate, but rather God's. You extend me the hand of the people; I reject it in favor of that of God."

With more or less complete control of the Patrician armies, Ferdinand would back up his ultimatum with military force. Ferdinand Rafale had effectively maneuvered his way into ultimate executive authority. The rejection of the parliamentary offer would accordingly be natural. By offering Rafale a parliamentarian seat of authority, the government was in effect asking permission to exist as a republic. Rafale refusal is thus unsurprising.

By 2 April, the newly elected government would resign and the Patrician Republic would cease to exist, instead replaced by the "New Altian Empire" under the leadership of Ferdinand Rafale, who would coronate himself emperor in June of that year. In the weeks leading up to and following the coronation, Ferdinand Rafale would organize a massive campaign of repression, arresting anti-Rafalist dissidents and declaring military law throughout the entirety of the Patrician Republic. Moreover, he would declare the contracts of the private armies null and void, completing his reforms with the complete consolidation of the Patrician army under his command. Declaring the moment the 'Instantiation of a new Empire," the coronation would be a propaganda boon for Rafale and fully secure his consolidation of power, even if his 'empire' existed more in rhetoric than political reality. On 1 July, 358, he would plunge south at the head of a newly amassed army, intent on destroying the Second Republic.

Foreign Intervention - Etruria, Ulsino and the Kingdom of Hohenstauffe
The establishment of a "New Altian Empire" would send shockwaves through diplomatic circles. Ferdinand's claim to be "Emperor of all the Altians" would instill fear and skepticism from the other Altian states, notably Ulsino and Etruria. Etruria in particular, with its own distinctly liberal nationalistic dream and sympathy towards the Revolutionary cause, would declare war on the New Altian Empire, to the elation of the Revolutionary cause. Still, it would not be enough to turn back the misfortunes that awaited the Second Republic.

The years immediately following Ferdinand's invasion in July 358 would be among the most difficult in the Second Republic's existence. While the relatively static battle lines of 356-7 would provide much neede re-training and re-consolidation for the Revolutionary forces, the speed and ferocity of Ferdinand's new campaign would send the Second Republic into a panic. While Etruria's entry into the war bolstered the Revolutionary cause, the military contribution would be far too little to decisively change the course of the war. In spite of combined Altian and Etrurian military operations, Chemnitz, Palmanova, Ariens and Modena would all fall in a matter of months, with varying degrees of resistance while half of Etruria would be under military occupation. The real threat of capitulation existed in many of the Revolutionary provinces, and military forces would be mobilized to ensure the integrity of the Second Republic. Talk of spies and counterrevolutionaries would run rampant throughout the Republic. In the city of Altia in particular, calls would be made for a witchhunt of counterrevolutionaries and the temporary suspension of the constitution to facilitate such measures. President Edward Dumas would emphatically reject such calls.

Still, the position of the Republic would appear dire.

Ferdinand's armies, now bolstered by levied troops, seemed nearly invincible. The relentless offensives of the summer and autumn months would make real the threat to the capital to such a degree that the Revolutionary Government would begin contingencies to flee south if necessary. Ferdinand Rafale, it appeared, stood to fulfill the promises he made to raze the city at the beginning of the war. To further complicate matters, the establishment of a 'New Altian Empire' would immediately garner the attention of foreign powers. The powerful Kingdom of Hohenstauffe, a monarchy and the hereditary enemy of republican Altia, would declare war on the Second Republic in August of 358. The Duchy of Cluny would follow in September. Meanwhile, the Kingdom of Ulsino appeared tempted to enter the war on the side of the Ferdinand Rafale.

Most threateningly, however, would be the new-found reach of Hector's imperial forces. The addition of the Hohenstauffe navies to the war would allow Imperial forces to raid and potentially cut off Republican shipping. Up until 359, the Republican cause had enjoyed a virtual monopoly on the seas as a result of the Altian Navy's comprehensive allegiance to the Second Republic in the wars early years. Shipping and the export of high-quality goods from the south's industrial regions would provide the revenue and sustenance to see the Republic through the war. The Kingdom of Hohenstauffe's entry into the war would thus turn the revolutionary conflict into a war of global proportions.

Imperial Advance - Aure campaign and the Battle of Etonfield
359 would prove to be the decisive year in the ultimate outcome of the Wars of May. From the outset of the campaign season in April of that year, Ferdinand seemed poised to finish the war. And although defeatism would begin to appear throughout the Second Republic, large segments of the population, especially those surrounding the capital, Altia, would be largely for armed resistance.



Thus, while the remaining Revolutionary territories and leaders would vow to fight on, provisions would be made to transfer the seat of government out of Altia, to Annecy, further south. Meanwhile, defensive fortifications would be built in the outskirts of the city of Altia and lines of trenches and fortifications would be erected, often haphazardly. Old weapon stores would be emptied and pikes, swords and axes would be issued to citizens of the city choosing to stay behind and face the potential onslaught of the imperial armies. Meanwhile, the Army of Aure, under the leadership of General Andrew Xavier, would be recalled from service in Aranjuez.

Xavier's appointment to the Army of Aure would initially be controversial. In spite of a proven military record in campaigns of the early Republic, his relative youth and lack of experience in the pre and early revolutionary events would both be cited against him. Still, his close personal friendship and trust with the president, Edward Dumas, and the recommendation of his predecessor and formerly direct superior, General Sibelius, would be enough to convince the legislature of his ability.

Still, Xavier's immediate experiences in the Aure campaign would put this newfound faith in doubt. Seeking to stem the Patrician advance as much as possible, a large faction within the government would decry and criticize General Xavier's military strategy. Swinging the Army of Aure south from its operations in Aranjuez, and directly towards the movements of Emperor Rafale, Xavier would abrupt turn his troops east, pivoting away from an engagement with Rafale. Seeing this as an attempt to outflank his force and halt an advance on the capital, Rafale would give chase, attempting to engage Xavier in a decisive battle.

The next weeks would see a cat-and-mouse game of rapid movements by both armies. Rafale would spend the period following the initiation of movement tailing Xavier's force, attempting to prevent a linkage with forces in the south and near the capital while heading off a broader flanking movement. While Rafale would be able to make contact with outlying elements of Xavier's army, defeating these forces in a string of brief engagements, he would be unable to achieve the battle of annihilation he had sought.



Rafale's movements through the south would be further complicated as he moved closer to the capital, into increasingly hostile and staunchly republican regions. Having effectively set himself between two hostile axes, the Army of Aure and the capital, Altia, Rafale knew he would have to deal with the one before the other. Knowing that the capital's military forces could not mobilize a serious offensive, he would make the choice of destroying the army of Aure in late October of that year. Still, Rafale's inability to engage with Xavier's army would be exacerbated by harassment by irregular forces, starting in the province of Auvergne. This irregular republican resistance would harry and threaten Patrician supply lines, and isolated instances would occur seeing separated Patrician units being overrun by masses of irregulars. While initially presenting himself as a force of order and a veritable liberator, the insurgency's efficacy would lead Rafale to set about brutal policies concerning civilians. The effect would simply be to feed the strength of the resistance.

Action at Avranches, The Battle of Etonfield
By the end of November, a critical point had been reached both by the Patrician forces of Ferdinand Rafale and the Revolutionary Army of Aure under General Xavier. Having spent the past months evading Rafale's armies and essentially moving about in circles, the Revolutionary armies had begun to run low on supplies while the political will sustain the war was beginning to fray. Indeed, calls for a negotiated settlement, once anathema to Republican policy, would be entertained throughout more pessimistic circles. In any case, the Imperialists under Rafale had emphatically denied the possibility of any such conclusion. Still, the Revolutionary situation would grow increasingly perilous. Etruria was flagging badly and regardless of whether negotiations were launched, would be out of the war if the situation on the ground didn't change. Hohenstauffe ground forces were finally being funnelled into Patrician lands and skirmishes on the border with Ulsino seemed to imply her imminent entry into the war on the side of the Patricians. Moreover, and most immediately alarming, while the insurgency in Aure, Auvergne and the surrounding provinces had managed to hemmorhage Rafale's strength, the brutal tactics of the Imperialists had begun to take its toll. WIth the advent of winter, the insurgency's force if not its whole existence would be dramatically reduced, thus potentially eliminating Xavier's unique advantage in maneuvering his forces.

The situation for Rafale, meanwhile, would be similarly urgent. With the defenses of Altia largely still intact and the inability of Hohenstauffe's navy to commit to a full naval blockade, it would be essential to destroy the army of Aure before the advent of the winter season lest he have to withdraw north to invade the following year. And a withdrawal north would certainly do little to convince Hohenstauffe to commit more troops to the war effort, especially in light of its own precarious domestic situation. Finally, a victory could either convince Ulsino to join the war or better yet, eliminate its relevance to the equation in light of a decisive victory against republican forces. In any case, both sides would have serious reason to desire a decisive battle before the year was over. The opening stages of potentially such a battle would take place on 30 November, when Rafale's forces would manage to meet the Army of Aure near Avranches, in lower Aure. The battle would see tentative offensives by the Revolutionary Army that would be repulsed by 31 November and Xavier's call to withdraw. Rafale's force would give vigorous pursuit, constantly harrying the flanks of the Republican army whilst failing to continue the major operations near Avranches.



By 1 December, having gained some headway the night before by undergoing a midnight crossing, general Xavier found himself and the Army of Aure encamped on the high ground just outside the village of Etonfeld. The Fremont Heights just outside the village would provide a natural defensive position for the Revolutionary forces. Still, as a result of his lesser numbers and the predictability of such a scheme, the decision would be made to reduce reliance on the Fremont heights. In a risky gamble, Xavier would position his troops on the flat plain lying before the village rather than the high ground to its southwest, essentially abandoning the dominating position of the Fremont Heights. While Xavier would remove his troops from the heights during the pre-battle stages, they would come to have a key role in the course of the battle ahead.

The evening of 1 December would be lit by the torches of the revolutionary army encamped near Etonfeld and the maneuvering forces of the Imperialists. Wishing to deny Xavier any avenues of escape, Rafale would swing his army south and move in from the east, hemming Xavier's forces to river Schwarzawa which they had crossed two days before. Seeing the abandoned high ground of the Fremont heights, Ferdinand would move troops, including his renowned Famiglia Ducale, to this high position behind the main line as a reserve element and enhance the momentum of his main battle line. From the position atop the heights, Ferdinand's center would be nearly impregnable.

The battle would begin at approximately 6:00AM, under the cover of darkness. Moreover, an imposing screen of fog had rolled into the area, and patrician artillery stationed just outside Etonfeld began preliminary bombardments of the Revolutionary positions on the flat plain. The morning would see inconclusive duelling on the part of the Revolutionary and Imperial artillery batteries until the breaking daylight facilitated more effective movement of troops.

Rafale would be hesitant to give up his position on the Fremont heights, knowing full well possession of the position would effectively ensure victory to its keeper. Thus, the opening phases of the battle would see Revolutionary columns advancing on the main patrician line under withering cannon fire and limited visibility as a result of a sudden winter rain storm. While these units would take heavy casualties, by 9:30 AM, the Revolutionary and Patrician battlelines would effectively be facing each other, exchanging rifle and cannonfire over the proceeding hours. In spite of heavy casualties and artillery fire, the Revolutionary line would hold throughout the morning in spite of repeated cavalry charges by the Imperial forces.

Meanwhile, flanking behind the main line of battle, Xavier's heavy cavalry and lancer corps would be negotiating the route leading to the Fremont heights. Having saved his heavy cavalry for a decisive charge to break the Republican battle line, the routes leading to the Trantridge Heights would be defended by several elements of light and medium cavalry. The Republican Lancers would engage the forces defending the Northern Imperial flank at about 11:15AM before feigning a retreat. Sensing the tipping point of a potential Republican rout, the Imperial cavalry would give pursuit, eventually moving into the woods north of Etonfeld. The lancers would accordingly turn and, with the support of light infantry hidden in these positions, decimate the pursuing force.



The events would be mirrored on the plain below the Fremont heights. Having sustained significant casualties, the seemingly weak right flank of the main Republican battleline would begin to twist and fall back. Sensing the potential of a single, decisive blow, and wishing to rob the Revolutionaries of an escape as had happened so many times before, Rafale would send his reserves off Fremont's high ground. Still, rather than the seeds of a rout as sensed by the Emperor Rafale, the withdrawal of Republican forces would be a strategically planned retreat. Sending his reserves to his right flank in a seemingly desperate attempt to hold the position, Xavier would manage to fix the Patricians in the valley below by noon. The heights suddenly vulnerable, Xavier would finally execute his plan.

The road mostly cleared of a substantive force by the feint of the lancers, the Republican Heavy cavalry would bound past the Imperial Flank, making their way up the newly vulnerable Fremont heights. Eliminating the light artillery and remaining troops from the position, the Republican heavies would conduct a powerful drive into the Patrician Flank. Upon feeling the momentum and impact of the Republican heavy cavalry, the center of Rafale's line, including the Famiglia Ducale, would break and the beginnings of a rout would be seen. The desperate flight of the Patrician forces would be met by Republican troops that had further taken up positions on the high ground. In goading the Imperial troops to make a decisive move early, General Xavier would manage to encircle the larger Patrician army. Pivoting his northern flank south, Xavier's battle line would be kinked, with Republican troops maintaining control of the Fremont Heights. A salient would thus appear in Rafale's northern flank, his troops effectively surrounded. By 4:00PM, Rafale would call the retreat of his general staff, utilizing what was left of his heavy cavalry to serve as a rearguard for the southern wing of his army, the remainder of which would be the majority of his army's remnants.

Of the nearly 68,000 Revolutionary forces that took part in the battle, 1,389 would be killed, with another 6,978 wounded during the course of the battle. Patrician casualties would be far worse. Of the nearly 83,000 troops fielded, nearly 16,000 would be killed or wounded. Another 10,000 would be captured by Revolutionary forces, in addition to 147 guns.

By morning of 3 December, The Emperor Ferdinand Rafale had begun his withdrawal north, away from Aure and more importantly, the capital.

Momentum shift - Ulsino, the Ascolon campaign and Counteroffensive, the birth of the 'Conciliationist' Movement
Almost overnight, the momentum of the war would unequivocally swing to the Revolutionary side. Ferdinand's troops having fully extricated themselves from Republican lands by the end of December and a massive (albeit, overshadowed) victory of the Republican Fleet against a combined Imperial-Hohenstauffe fleet in the Bay of Bayonne, about a hundred miles off the coast of Ulsino, would further solidify the Republican's new-found advantage.

Dramatically relieved and bolstered by the unprecedented victories won at Etonfeld and Bayonne, the Second Republic would swiftly go about replenishing and rebuilding the military capacity and civilian infrastracture damaged by the ravages of the Imperialist incursion. Following the reconstitution of its depleted elements, the Army of Aure would be deployed to Etruria in order to bolster the Etrurian allies and drive out the Patrician presence. Meanwhile, forces mobilized from the south would begin a great push north starting in February 359, commencing the start of a major Republican offensive. While the gains would be modest in the starting phases, the republican offensives of winter 359 would signal the beginning of a broad front that would grow significantly over the course of the following year.

Ulsino joins the war
In addition to the massive domestic implications of the result of Etonfeld, foreign affairs of the Second Republic would be radically altered. While her situation had indeed appeared dire in autumn 359, the ultimate victory and rapid replenishment of losses would affirm what had initially been a minority view among policy makers in foreign governments - that the balance of power in terms of industrial capacity, population and political will had bounded irreversibly into the Republican Camp. The entry of Ulsino into the war of the side of the Second Republic would both result from this view, whilst lending it further credit.

It would certainly be a dramatic change from previous Ulsinian policy. The reign of Alexander IV (whose father had only narrowly escaped an ouster during unrest of the Patrician Revolution), father of Leopold I, would be characterized by reactionary repression of the population and alignment with conservative forces. While no great ally to the Patrician cause and viewing himself as, at heart, a monarchist, Alexander IV had publically stated his opposition to aiding the Second Altian Republic if not outright support for the patricians. Meanwhile, the entry of the Kingdom of Etruria, whose own monarchist bent (and, in fact, legitimacy) challenged Ulsino's spiritual claim as the successor to the Kingdom, no doubt pushed Alexander closer to war with the Altian Republic. Still, Ferdinand's establishment of Empire along with the scheming of his own nobles and personal illness would delay any decisive action. Alexander IV would die of cancer on 8 December, 357.

The death of Alexander IV of Ulsino in 357 would see the ascension of Leopold I, his second eldest son (The previous heir, and Alexander's favorite had been Albert III, who had died in 352 of pneumonia) and a bit of an unknown on the political stage. Almost immediately, the new monarch's policies would diverge from that of his father's. While the late Alexander's policy-making would be largely determined by the residual effects of the First Republican Revolution, his heir, Leopold would be more focused on the ever-present menace to the Ulsinian monarchs - the formidable Ulsinian nobility. Moreover, the staunchly pro-Republican sympathies of Leopold's wife, the Etrurian marquise, Louise of Arimini, would further influence Leopold's hand.

Using the Republican victory at Etonfeld to discredit the Pro-Patrician factions within the nobility, Leopold would use the following months to weaken the power of his opponents. He would entertain the diplomatic mission of the Second Republic and as early as February of 360, sign a treaty of mutual non-aggression without ever consulting his nobles via the Ulsinian Cortes. Rumors of dissent and potential uprising in March of the same year would be enough for Leopold to crackdown harshly, imprisoning and later executing several high-ranking nobles. While the authenticity of the rumors is still unclear, Leopold's ability to curb his nobles would not be left in question.

Seeking to unite his Kingdom and further weaken the ambitions of the nobility within Ulsino, Leopold would finally consult the Ulsinian Cortes for the first time in over a century. Having already defeated many of his rivals with his kingdom, the move would be largely symbolic. With the unanimous approval of the Cortes, Leopold would declare war on Ferdinand's New Altian Empire on 2 June, 360. While Ulsinian troops under Alexander IV had previously conducted raids and small-level attacks on Republicans units on the Ulsino-Altian border, Leopold's Ulsino would open a broad front in the north, against the New Altian Empire's western border.

By the end of 360, the New Altian Empire would be under attack on three sides. Ulsino to the west, Etruria to the east and to the South, and most critically, the strengthening forces of the Second Republic.

The Ascolon Campaign
With Ulsino, Etruria and the Grand Army of the Republic making inroads into the main holdings of Rafale's Altian Empire, attention would be turned to the issue facing Altian shipping. While the naval victory in the Gulf of Bayonne would ensure Altian dominance of the seas starting in 360, Republican shipping would be threatened by Imperial presence in the southeastern portion of the continent, near Ascolon. Using a mix of diplomacy and coercive measures, the Imperial forces had landed an expeditionary force in the region in 359, intent on cutting off the shipping lanes that ran overland, and to the rest of the Altian Republic. Huge amounts of funds and weaponry would be injected into the nations of the surrounding regions in the hopes of forming friendly states and an obstacle to the Second Republic's colonial holdings.

By the end of 359, it was clear that such methods were unsuited to turning back Ferdinand's forces in the region. Corruption, infighting and wasteful public works projects would plague the injection of resources to the potentrial buffer states in the southeast. In summer 360, the Second Republic would begin a buildup of its colonial forces, concurrently landing a covert diplomatic mission in the Holy Mandate of Ascolon, the largest and most powerful of the southeastern states. Amongst those included would be agents attached to the SSI.